Guides

The History of Texas Property Taxes

How Texas property taxes evolved from the Republic era to today's reform fight — and why the 1876 Constitution still shapes your bill.

Texas sells itself as a low-tax state, and on income tax that’s true — there isn’t one. But Texans pay for that bargain through their homes. Property taxes here are among the heaviest in the country, and the system that produces them is the result of nearly two centuries of fights over who pays, who decides, and where the money goes.

This is the story of how Texas property taxes came to be — from a republic where almost no one paid them, to a 2025 reform package costing the state tens of billions of dollars. Understanding that history is the fastest way to understand the bill in your mailbox today.

Before Texas: land was granted, not taxed

Under Spanish and then Mexican rule, land in Texas was handed out to encourage settlement and defense, with little or no systematic taxation. The territory was vast and the population thin, so taxing property simply wasn’t practical. Texas land culture was born in a world where land was given away — not taxed — and that instinct never fully left.

The Republic of Texas (1836–1845): a tax on paper that nobody paid

After independence in 1836, the new Republic needed revenue and wrote a general property tax into law. In practice, the direct property tax was nearly uncollectable. Texans resisted paying, the government’s only reliable income came from tariffs, and the Republic slid deeper into debt. The property tax existed from day one — but the refusal to pay it was baked in just as early.

Statehood to the Civil War (1845–1865)

When Texas joined the United States in 1845, it kept ownership of its public lands — unusual among the states. Selling that land helped fund public functions and eased the reliance on taxation, though the state still taxed real and personal property to pay for government. The system stayed loose and lightly enforced.

Reconstruction: the tax trauma that shaped everything (1865–1876)

This is the chapter that explains the rest. After the Civil War, the Reconstruction government raised taxes — including property taxes — to fund public education and rebuild infrastructure. To many Texans, the increases under the Constitution of 1869 felt punitive and imposed from the outside. The resentment ran deep, and it set the stage for a backlash written directly into the state’s founding law.

The 1876 Constitution: a document built to limit taxes — and it still governs your bill

In reaction to Reconstruction, Texas adopted a new constitution in 1876 that remains in force today. Article VIII deliberately tied the state’s hands: property must be taxed equally and uniformly and in proportion to its value, and the state property tax for general purposes was capped at 50 cents per $100 of valuation. Crucially, it pushed taxing power down to local governments — counties, cities, school districts, and special districts.

That decentralization is the root of today’s reality: there is no statewide property tax to argue about, but hundreds of local entities each levy their own. Every modern property-tax fight in Texas traces back to choices made in 1876.

A system in disarray (early 1900s–1970s)

The constitutional guardrails didn’t produce an orderly system. By the late 1970s, property-tax administration was a patchwork: some districts hadn’t reappraised in years, assessed values bore little relation to real market values, and neighboring taxing units appraised the same property differently. Pressure for reform was also building in the courts. In San Antonio ISD v. Rodriguez (1973), the U.S. Supreme Court declined to strike down Texas’s school-funding system under the federal constitution — but the glaring funding gaps it exposed didn’t go away.

The Peveto Bill (1979): the modern system is born

The fix came from the Legislature. In 1979 it passed Senate Bill 621 — the “Peveto Bill,” named for Representative Wayne Peveto — creating the Property Tax Code and a single central appraisal district (CAD) in each county. For the first time, all property in a county would be appraised once, at market value, using accepted appraisal methods, by one professional office. The CADs were established in 1981, and 1982 was the first year taxes were levied on their appraisals. That same structure — one CAD per county — is what every Texas property owner deals with today. (See more in the deep dive: How appraisal districts were created.)

Robin Hood: the courts force redistribution (1984–2006)

The funding inequities Rodriguez left untouched came back through state court. In 1984, Edgewood ISD — one of the poorest districts in the state — sued, and in Edgewood ISD v. Kirby (1989) the Texas Supreme Court ruled unanimously that the school-finance system violated the Texas Constitution. The disparities were staggering: property wealth per student ranged from about $38,854 in Edgewood to $570,109 in nearby Alamo Heights.

The Legislature’s answer, in 1993, was recapture — quickly nicknamed the “Robin Hood” plan — under which property-wealthy districts send a share of their local tax revenue to the state to help fund poorer ones. The Texas Supreme Court ultimately upheld it. The irony is sharp: the 1876 Constitution was written to prevent a state property tax, yet school-finance recapture created something that functions much like one.

Why Texas property taxes climbed to the top of the rankings

Over the 20th century the system grew steadily more local. As the state leaned on sales tax and avoided an income tax, local governments — school districts above all — leaned harder on property taxes to fund services. Schools make up the largest slice of a typical Texas tax bill.

The result: while Texas is genuinely low-tax on income, it is among the heaviest on property. According to the Tax Foundation, Texas’s effective property tax rate on owner-occupied homes sits well above the national middle — and stands out sharply among the handful of states with no income tax. The “no income tax” pitch is real, but homeowners shoulder much of the cost through their property.

The reform crusade (2019–2025)

Years of rising home values and rising bills triggered a sustained push to rein in property taxes:

The relief is real for homeowners — and expensive for the state, which is committing tens of billions of dollars to buy down school taxes. Whether that’s sustainable is an open question.

The tension that never resolves

The whole 190-year arc is one long pull between three forces: Texans’ deep resistance to taxation, the structural need to fund schools and local services without an income tax, and courts repeatedly forcing redistribution to address inequality. The 1876 Constitution tried to settle it. The Peveto Bill professionalized it. Robin Hood complicated it. And today’s reforms are still wrestling with the same trade-off.

What this means for your bill today

Your property tax isn’t set by the state — it’s the sum of rates from your county, city, school district, and special districts, applied to your appraisal district’s value. That’s why two homes of similar value in different counties can owe very different amounts. See exactly how it breaks down where you live:

To confirm current rates and exemptions for your home, check your local county appraisal district — they administer the appraisals and exemptions described above.

Sources

About these sources: the figures, dates, and legal references above are drawn from the authoritative sources listed and from official Texas records. Tax rates, exemptions, and laws change frequently — always verify the current figures for your property with your county appraisal district or the Texas Comptroller before making financial or legal decisions.